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2011年8月26日金曜日

Analysis: Japan's politics offer sober economic policy lessons (Reuters)

By Alan Wheatley, Global Economics Correspondent Alan Wheatley, Global Economics Correspondent – 1 hr 1 min ago

LONDON (Reuters) – U.S. and euro zone governments drowning in debt should look no further than Japan to learn what happens when political deadlock stifles decisive policy-making.

As Japan prepares to usher in its sixth prime minister in five years, Moody's this week cited the political revolving door in Tokyo as one reason for cutting the country's credit rating, to AA3, for the first time since 2002.

The conclusions to be drawn from Japan's two decades of anemic growth come with caveats: its parties are not as ideologically divided as Democrats and Republicans in the United States; and political stasis has not led to the sort of bond market attack that felled Greece, Ireland and Portugal.

But the downgrade, which followed America's loss of its totemic AAA rating from Standard and Poor's, chimes with the view that the current travails of mature industrial democracies are due as much to poor leadership as they are to too much debt.

Marcus Noland, deputy director of the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington, traced Japan's stagnation to an incapacity to forge the political coalitions needed to overcome entrenched interests opposed to reform.

"In that sense, the challenge that Japan has in large part failed to address over the last 20 years resembles the challenges that both the United States and parts of Europe are beginning to face," Noland said. "The Japanese example stands as a very cautionary tale about the long-run costs of not getting it right."

BERNANKE'S ANALYSIS

Back in 2002, Ben Bernanke argued that Japan's losing battle with deflation was a special case, a by-product of a protracted failure by politicians, businessmen and the public to agree on how to spread the costs of writing off debt and enacting reforms.

"In the resulting political deadlock, strong policy actions are discouraged, and cooperation among policymakers is difficult to achieve," said Bernanke, then a Federal Reserve governor and now its chairman.

Stephen King, chief global economist at HSBC in London, said that, with political leaders increasingly in denial and hoping that something will turn up, Bernanke's analysis now extended more widely.

"What we are now discovering is that there are similarities between political discord in Japan and what we're beginning to see in the States and in Europe," King said. "If that's the view Bernanke had back in 2002, he ought to be really worried now."

The conventional wisdom is that Japan relaxed monetary policy too slowly to counter deflationary forces after sky-high property and share prices started tumbling back to earth in the early 1990s.

Nominal gross domestic product in Japan is back to 1991 levels, noted Paul Sheard, Nomura's chief economist. That weighs on wages, increases the burden of repaying debt and corrodes confidence.

Western policymakers have taken much more aggressive action than Japan since the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 threatened to drag down the global financial system.

U.S. banks wrote off more than $1 trillion in net assets in 2008/2009; Japan, by contrast, dragged its feet, said David Hale, who runs an international economic consulting firm in Chicago.

"Here we recognized the losses in our banking system very quickly," Hale said. "The Japanese knew in 1992 that they had a massive problem, but it wasn't acknowledged until 1998."

Despite the swifter response, economic recovery in the West has been fitful. Fears of a new recession are mounting.

In King's view, this shows that Japan's malaise is only partly down to indecisiveness in the 1990s; it was also a result of its failure to prevent the bubble in asset prices in the first place -- much as U.S. and European policymakers allowed their own bubble in housing and credit to inflate.

Seen in this light, America and Europe are in the same pickle as Japan: with current and future economic activity no longer strong enough to allow all financial claims to be settled, a way has to be found to share out the ensuing losses.

"There has to be a process of deleveraging and burden-sharing, and the problem with burden-sharing is that it's an inherently political process," King said.

And, as in Japan, political leaders in the United States and Europe are offering few answers. With indecision breeding uncertainty, investors have been seeking refuge in gold, the Swiss franc and, ironically, government bonds.

THE WAY AHEAD

The risk for all three economies is that, without a clear strategy for reducing deficits over time, bond market investors will lose confidence and demand a growth-sapping premium to roll over debt -- as governments on the euro zone's periphery have discovered.

In the case of Japan, the leadership needed to rise to the challenge appears nowhere in sight, said Peter Drysdale, emeritus professor at Australian National University in Canberra.

"What could be carried in the way of economic and administrative inefficiencies in a country whose population was young and still growing, and in which the opportunities for catching up to the industrial world were palpable, now are huge dead weight burdens in a mature industrial economy with a declining workforce and population," Drysdale wrote on the East Asia Forum website.

The 2012 presidential election might break the U.S. political impasse. Euro zone leaders might put aside their differences and thrash out a long-term plan to underpin their single currency. In Japan, a more dynamic leader might emerge in the mold of Junichiro Koizumi, prime minister from 2001-2006.

But Wendy Dobson at the University of Toronto expects instead a prolonged period of uncertainty. Global shifts in comparative advantage are worsening the distribution of incomes and wealth in major economies, prompting strong political pushback from the losers.

"Smart politics and policies will help the transitions. Strong leadership too. But with many democracies able only to produce unstable coalitions, strong leadership seems to be in short supply," Dobson said in an email.

(Reporting by Alan Wheatley)


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2011年8月25日木曜日

Pressure cooker politics for Japan's next leader - Xinhua

TOKYO, Aug. 24 (Xinhua) -- Japanese Prime Minister and leader of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Naoto Kan has declared he will leave office after a protracted period of legislative jockeying, setting the stage for the nation to see its sixth prime minister in just five years.

As potential successors ramp up their cajoling of key intraparty groups and senior party officials ahead of DPJ presidential election scheduled next Monday, the inherent rifts in the DPJ have once again come to the surface, leaving many political pundits wondering if the next party leader will have enough support from within his own party to successfully lead the nation through a myriad of pressing political, social and economic obstacles.

STACKED DECK

In many respects, Kan's successor will be playing political blackjack with the deck stacked against him.

The new leader will most certainly have to contend with far more problems than were on Kan's plate when he took over from former prime minister Yukio Hatoyama -- who himself resigned over broken campaign promises just nine months after the Democrats won national elections, defeating the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and ending more than 50 years of almost unbroken control of government.

"Prime Minister Kan is on his way out of Japan's revolving door for leaders and this is of no great surprise in the grand scheme of things, as when public support rate plunges, it's only ever a matter of time in Japan and Kan's have dropped to a record low of 15 percent," Laurent Sinclair, an independent research analyst for pacific affairs, told Xinhua.

"Whoever's next, in what is viewed by the international political community as an increasingly whimsical directorate, will have to contend with a soaring yen, crafting and implementing a multi-phased post-nuclear crisis energy policy, as well as ensuring reconstruction efforts are continually prioritized," he said.

Even if the next leader hits the ground running, Sinclair said that Kan's inability to hold a fractious party together and garner support from opposition parties, coupled with a perceived lack of leadership following the March twin disasters -- punctuated by his conspicuous absence in the days and weeks after March 11 as Chief Cabinet Secretary Yukio Edano seemingly became the nation's interim chief -- points to deeper, fundamental flaws in Japanese politics.

He added that the nation's new leader, while tackling the fallout from Kan's era, must still also comprehensively address the burgeoning issue of Japan's mounting public debt and ever- increasing costs of a graying society.

Indeed, Moody's Investors Services Inc. on Wednesday cut Japan' s credit rating by one notch citing concerns about the government' s ability to reduce its mountain of debt and implement long-term fiscal sustainability measures.

Notably, the ratings agency also highlighted the frequency of Japan's political leadership switches as a key factor "obstructing the implementation of necessary fiscal measures to bring down its debt."

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has reported that Japan's gross debt will be equivalent to 233 percent of the size of the economy this year and is set to increase in the coming years by the government's expectations for annual budget deficits of at least 7 percent through 2015, which far exceeds nominal growth rate.

With plenty of hurdles to contend with, the nation is hoping a bold, forthright leader will fill Kan's mercurial shoes, but nobody is holding their breath as both the public and politicians are under no illusions that the biggest obstacle for any could-be consummate leader, lies deep within the ruling DPJ itself.


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Moody's cuts Japan rating, blames politics (Reuters)

TOKYO (Reuters) – Moody's Investors Service cut its rating on Japan's government debt by one notch to Aa3 on Wednesday, blaming a build-up of debt since the 2009 global recession and revolving-door political leadership that has hampered effective economic strategies.

Japan is preparing to elect its sixth leader in five years to replace unpopular Prime Minister Naoto Kan, under fire for his handling of the response to a March tsunami and subsequent radiation crisis at a crippled nuclear power plant.

The downgrade, while not out of the blue, served as another reminder of the debt burdens that nearly all of the world's major advanced economies shoulder, even as policymakers struggle to agree on ways to stimulate sub-par growth without massive new spending.

The United States lost its top-tier AAA rating from Standard & Poor's earlier this month, and Moody's warned in June that it may downgrade Italy as Europe's sovereign debt crisis festers.

Moody's new rating on Japan's debt is three notches below coveted AAA status, which Tokyo lost in 1998, but is still classified as high grade. Japan is now the same level as China, which surpassed it last year to become the world's second-largest economy, and one notch below Italy and Spain.

"Over the past five years, frequent changes in (Japan's) administrations have prevented the government from implementing long-term economic and fiscal strategies into effective and durable policies," Moody's said.

Moody's had warned in May that it might downgrade Japan's Aa2 rating due to heightened concerns about faltering growth prospects and a weak policy response to rein in bulging public debt, already twice the size of its $5 trillion economy.

Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda, a fiscal conservative who has joined the race to succeed Kan, refrained from direct comment on Moody's downgrade. But he said: "Recent JGB auctions have met favorable demand and I don't see any change in market confidence in JGBs."

Analysts said the downgrade was hardly a surprise and the reaction in financial markets was muted.

"I had expected that the rating cut would have taken place after the election for the leadership of the (ruling) Democratic Party of Japan. But looking at the candidates, there seems to be nobody among them who would seriously tackle financial reform, so that's why Moody's went ahead and cut the rating," said Yuuki Sakurai, CEO and president of Fukoku Capital Management Inc.

The risks of an upgrade and a downgrade are equally balanced but it would take a significant development to get the ratings agency to move in either direction, Tom Byrne, Moody's senior vice president and regional credit officer , told reporters.

An earlier agreement to raise taxes to cover welfare costs was a good start at fiscal consolidation, but the best chance for success is a stable government, Byrne added.

Japan's next leader has a mountain of challenges ahead, from battling a soaring yen and forging a post-nuclear crisis energy policy to rebuilding from the tsunami and reining in public debt, while paying for reconstruction and the bulging costs of an aging society.

The March disasters knocked the economy back into recession, and the strength of an expected rebound later this year is being clouded by weak domestic and global demand and recent gains in the yen, which threaten export competitiveness.

The government on Thursday unveiled steps to help firms cope with the yen's recent rise to record highs, including a $100 billion emergency credit facility aimed at making it easier for Japanese companies to buy foreign firms.

It also said it would ask major financial firms to report on dealers' currency positions for the period to the end of September, an apparent attempt to curb speculation.

"We are watching more carefully than before whether there is any speculative activity in the market. We won't exclude any options and will take decisive action when necessary," Noda told a news conference to announce the government measures.

Noda's chances of winning an August 29 ruling party leadership race to pick Kan's successor dimmed this week after former Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara, who says beating deflation should be the top priority, reversed course and decided to run.

TAX HIKES AND TIMING

Most of the seven DPJ candidates eyeing the top job agree Japan must eventually raise its 5 percent sales tax to help fund the ballooning social welfare costs of its fast-aging society.

Only Noda, however, favors raising other taxes soon to fund reconstruction of Japan's tsunami-devastated northeast region, and even he has been toning down that stance lately.

"While most people in the market believe Maehara is very likely to win the election, a swift policy response on debt problems is unlikely to come out soon," said Norihiro Fujito, senior investment strategist at Mitsubishi UFJ Morgan Stanley Securities in Tokyo.

Moody's said Japan needed to achieve 3 percent nominal growth in its gross domestic product to get the deficit under control and that a government plan to double the 5 percent sales tax by mid-decades was not bold enough.

"That's not enough. The government knows that as well," Byrne told Reuters.

The yen barely moved on the downgrade news, trading at around 76.7 to the dollar, while 10-year JGB futures were up 0.08 point at 142.63 at the end of the morning session after initially dipping into negative territory. Japanese stocks fell about 1 percent.

Moody's said the outlook for Japan's credit rating was now stable given the "undiminished home bias of Japanese investors and their preference for government bonds, which allows the government's fiscal deficits to be funded at the lowest nominal rates globally".

Byrne told Reuters that as a rule, the rating was not expected to change for 12 to 18 months.

The downgrade brings Moody's rating for Japan into line with rival agency Standard & Poor's, which cut Japan's rating in January to AA minus, the fourth-highest on its scale.

Moody's downgrade of Japan was its first since 2002, when it reduced the rating to A2, six notches from the top. It had upgraded Japan three times since then, with the last upgrade as recent as May 2009.

Persistent deflation and slow growth has shackled Japan's economy for years, reducing tax revenues available to the government, which has grown to rely on debt issuance to finance a large part of its budget.

(Additional reporting by Wayne Cole in Sydney and Nathan Layne, Chikafumi Hodo and Tetsushi Kajimoto in Tokyo; Writing by Linda Sieg; Editing by Kim Coghill)


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2011年8月17日水曜日

The Song of Chu and Japanese politics today

"Song of Chu all around" (si-mian-Chu-ge) is an old Chinese saying that means "being besieged or deserted on all sides."

The story has it that the King of Chu holed up in a castle of Gaixai in the final round of the war with the Han. One night, in the midst of a difficult situation, he woke up and went to the window only to discover that all he was able to hear was a folk song of his country, Chu, which meant that all his countrymen outside the castle had joined the enemy camp.

The saying is used nowadays when a person has lost all his supporters and has been surrounded only by critics or enemies. It appears that the Japanese prime minister might have heard the "song of Chu all around." Many members of his party showed signs of revolt, while leaders of the business community, as well as the opposition parties, called for his resignation. Yet, Naoto Kan showed a remarkable resistance and stayed on as if he had not heard the song.

Foreign observers in particular wonder how he has remained in power as long as he has amid such criticism and the wave of calls for his resignation. Some may compare Japan with political scenes in other countries where the prime minister or president resists the political tide.

Comparisons of other leaders with Mr. Kan, in many cases, don't apply because their resignations were related to personal scandals involving moral decay or corruption. There have been no particularly explosive scandals involving Mr. Kan during his time as prime minister.

One might point out that Mr. Kan's receipt of political contributions from a "foreign" source should have become a source of controversy, but it blew over.

The absence of scandals in Mr. Kan's personal life made foreign observers wonder all the more why the prime minister became so unpopular.

That remains the basic question: Why has Mr. Kan been so unpopular?

The answer is that his popularity foundered among business leaders, politicians and bureaucrats — the "establishments."

He fought against Tokyo Electric Power Co., quarreling with the top echelons of the ministry that oversees nuclear energy policy and, in some cases, neglecting or opposing the opinions of the leaders of his own party. Mr. Kan was very astute in creating the image of a political leader who was fighting against political and economic "establishments." He was always on the side of "citizens."

Since the Koizumi period, the citizens of Japan have been building a social tide of mistrust against business, government and political parties, and it was this tide that overturned decades of rule by the conservative Liberal Democratic Party and realized the government of the Democratic Party of Japan. This tide persists in Japanese society. Perhaps the tide was reinforced because of the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and the initial handling of the crisis by Tepco and the regulatory agencies.

A "tsunami" of mistrust has penetrated the center of the power structure in Japanese politics. Ironically, many politicians have tried to ride this wave to score popularity points.

By destroying the close links between politics and bureaucratic management, and between big business associations and the government, this process has increased the sense of detachment and mistrust among business leaders, bureaucrats and even some sensible politicians toward the very functioning of the political system and its leadership.

Paradoxically, however, such mistrust and grumbling by business leaders and government officials have increased the sense of mistrust toward them among ordinary people. This vicious circle has been cleverly used by some politicians for strengthening their political position of an anti-establishment stance.

The only possible way of ending this vicious circle of mistrust in Japanese society is a wave of criticism from abroad against Japanese management of international affairs. However, with the U.S. military base issue on Okinawa practically sealed for now and once strained Japan-China relations showing signs of calm stability, such an international wave of criticism is unlikely.

The worldwide applause for the courageous attitude of the victims of the March 11 earthquake and tsunami, and even the victory of the Japanese women's soccer team, may have helped to mitigate, at least on the surface, actual or potential international disenchantment with Japan's political leadership.

In short, the attitude toward Mr. Kan was not a personal phenomenon but rather a socio-political symptom of contemporary Japanese society.

Kazuo Ogoura, a political science professor at Aoyama Gakuin University, is president of the Japan Foundation. He has served as Japanese ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to Vietnam (1994-95), South Korea (1997-99) and France (1999-2002).

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